The conviction of one of the most powerful figures of the European far right for embezzling EU Parliament funds has sent shockwaves around the continent and beyond. But Marine Le Pen’s case is just one example of transparency problems that have plagued the legislature.
From Budapest to Washington, Le Pen’s political allies cried foul over this week’s French court-mandated five-year ban on seeking political office that could block her chances of securing France’s presidency in 2027.
The longtime leader of the National Rally party and former EU lawmaker is one of 24 people convicted in Monday’s ruling in Paris for redirecting millions of euros earmarked for EU political work to serve the party’s domestic interests. The party employed staffers who were declared as EU parliamentary assistants but instead had other duties, including Le Pen’s bodyguard.
Transparency advocates say the case underlines broader issues related to lack of oversight of spending at the EU legislature affecting members across the political spectrum.
Revelations of an alleged cash-for-influence scheme dubbed Qatargate, involving high-profile center-left EU lawmakers, assistants, lobbyists and their relatives, emerged in 2022. Qatari and Moroccan officials are alleged to have paid bribes to influence decision-making. Both countries deny involvement.
No one has been convicted or is in pretrial detention. Prospects for a trial are unclear.
Last month, several people were arrested in a probe linked to the Chinese company Huawei, which is suspected of bribing EU lawmakers. Huawei said it took the allegations seriously and had a “zero tolerance policy towards corruption.”
Last year, the aide of prominent far-right EU lawmaker Maximilian Krah was arrested in a separate case. German prosecutors alleged the aide was a Chinese agent. Krah, who has since switched to the federal legislature of his native Germany, denied all knowledge of the suspicions against his former employee.
The EU parliament’s 720 lawmakers benefit from a pot worth around $250 million a year to pay their assistants for political work like administration, speech-writing, or studying and drafting legal proposals.
Critics have long warned that the fund is ripe for financial and political abuse. Lawmakers have often been probed by the EU anti-fraud office, OLAF.
Some parliamentarians have no assistants. Most have around five or six. At the time Le Pen was implicated, some members had dozens.
Her 29-year-old protégé Jordan Bardella – who could replace her on the French presidential ballot in 2027 – has three assistants. Some carry out parliamentary work in the Belgian and EU capital Brussels or the French city Strasbourg, where the legislature convenes. Others work in a parliament member’s home country.
Only two rules seem to apply: Family members cannot be hired, and assistants should focus on EU business and not work against the legislature’s interest. But the assembly has no clear system for enforcing the rules.
Le Pen and her allies seek to frame her as the martyr of a politically motivated trial. Even her opponents have questioned whether it was right for the Paris court to potentially bar her from running to become the next French president. An appeals trial is expected next year that could uphold the ban, overturn it or reinforce it ahead of the 2027 election.
“This is not an isolated case of MEPs misusing their allowances,” Nick Aiossa, a campaigner from the EU office of advocacy group Transparency International, told media. “The only exceptional thing about this case is perhaps the sheer scope of the embezzlement scheme and that ultimately there was justice and accountability at the end of the process.”
Aiossa said the convictions handed down to National Rally members and associates — many of whom were also barred from running for office — did not appear to be ‘’lawfare’’ as Le Pen’s allies allege.
“I think what we see is an independent judiciary ruling on a very extensive, almost decades-long investigation into pretty latent embezzlement,” he said.
The European Parliament relies on national judiciaries, principally in Belgium, and EU agency OLAF to investigate irregularities. OLAF cannot prosecute, only investigate and issue recommendations for action. In 2023, OLAF issued five recommendations linked to the EU parliament.
Once the ball passes to member states, prosecution is rare.
The European Parliament issues recovery orders for money it suspects was diverted. It did so in 2016, when it instructed UKIP and its partners to repay tens of thousands of euros it believed had been misspent. A top EU court later dismissed that order.
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