Haiti’s prime minister was last seen in Puerto Rico, negotiating his return to a homeland gripped by violence and controlled by heavily armed gangsters. With his fate in the air and the situation in Haiti deteriorating by the day, the world has been left to wonder whether the country will fully descend into anarchy or whether some semblance of order will be restored.
It’s easy to blame this latest spasm of violence in the West’s first free Black republic on longstanding poverty, the legacy of colonialism, widespread deforestation, and European and U.S. interference.
However, a series of experts told media that the most important immediate cause is more recent: Haitian rulers’ increasing dependence on street gangs.
Haiti hasn’t had a standing army or a well-funded and robust national police force for decades.
United Nations and American interventions have come and gone. Without a solid tradition of honest political institutions, Haitian leaders have been using armed civilians as tools for exercising power.
Now, the state has grown fatally weak and gangs are stepping in to take its place.
Gang leaders, surreally, hold news conferences. And many see them as future stakeholders in negotiations over the country’s future.
A 1990s embargo was imposed after the military overthrew President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. The embargo and the international isolation devastated the country’s small middle class, said Michael Deibert, author of “Notes From the Last Testament: The Struggle for Haiti,” and “Haiti Will Not Perish: A Recent History.”
After a U.S.-backed U.N. force pushed out the coup’s leaders in 1994, a World Bank-sponsored structural adjustment led to the importation of rice from the U.S. and devastated rural agricultural society, Deibert said.
Boys without work flooded into Port-au-Prince and joined gangs. Politicians started using them as a cheap armed wing. Aristide, a priest-turned-politician, gained notoriety for using gangsters.
In December 2001, police official Guy Philippe attacked the National Palace in an attempted coup and Aristide called on the gangsters to rise from the slums, Deibert said.
“It wasn’t the police defending their government’s Palais Nacional,” remembered Deibert, who was there. “It was thousands of armed civilians.”
“Now, you have these different politicians that have been collaborating with these gangs for years, and … it blew up in their face,” he continued.
Many of the gangs retreated in the face of MINUSTAH, a U.N. force established in 2004.
Rene Preval, the only democratically elected president to win and complete two terms in a country notorious for political upheaval, took a hard line on the gangs, giving them the choice to “disarm or be killed,” said Robert Fatton, professor of government and foreign affairs at the University of Virginia.
After his presidency, subsequent leaders were at best easy on the gangs and at worst tied to them, he said.
Fatton said every key actor in Haitian society had their gangs, noting that the current situation isn’t unique, but that it has deteriorated at a faster pace.
“For the last the three years, the gangs started to gain autonomy. And now they are a power unto themselves,” he said, likening them to a “mini-Mafia state.”
“The autonomy of the gangs has reached a critical point. It is why they are capable now of imposing certain conditions on the government itself,” Fatton said.
“Those who created the gangs created a monster. And now the monster may not be totally in charge, but it has the capacity to block any kind of solution,” he said.
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